共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 171 毫秒
1.
梁家强 《林业机械与木工设备》2000,28(9):25-27
网带单板干燥机是胶合板单板生产线的主要设备,但随着竹材人造板生产的发展,这种干燥机愈来愈多地应用于干燥竹席、竹帘,对提高竹材人造板产品的产量、质量起到了重要作用。然而在使用运行过程中,由于机械缺陷、网带质量问题以及使用维护不当等原因,常常引起网带跑偏,调网的次数频繁、工作量加大,有时失误会造成网带边部卷边拉坏,引起拉网事故。如果处理不当,多则半年少则一个月,网带就会破损需要更换。自1995年以来,我厂为竹材人造板生产线先后购置了几台网带干燥机,用于干燥竹席、竹帘。笔者根据几年来参与设备安装调试以… 相似文献
2.
本文应用热应力理论及屈曲理论对人造板生产设备申网带的热变形进行了分析、计算,其计算结果与现场实测完全一致,从而提出了预防网带变形的有效措施。 相似文献
3.
尚云峰 《林业机械与木工设备》1997,25(9):25-26
热油炉加热技术在网带干燥机上的应用(024000)赤峰星丰人造板有限公司尚云峰热油炉加热技术是以300℃不汽化的导热油为介质,经炉中用煤加热后,在闭路用热设备中循环,从而使各种用热设备达到所需温度的加热系统。这种加热系统可代替工艺要求300℃以下的电... 相似文献
4.
5.
单板干燥是胶合板生产的重要环节。六十年代开始,我国引进了高速横向喷气式网带干燥机,现在,我国胶合板企业,无论老厂改造,还是新建厂,不论产量大小,几乎都选择喷气式网带干燥机。我认为这样一哄而上带有很大盲目性,其中最突出的问题就是蒸汽和电能消耗的增大。一些老厂在改造干燥机的同时,还得同时改造锅炉房,增加了技改投资。目前,我国能源短缺,节约能源是有战略意义的大事,设备能耗的高低,应当作为选择设备的一项重要指标加以考虑。下面就喷气式网带干燥机的能耗问题加以讨论。 相似文献
6.
为了满足较大规模刨切薄木、胶合板加工等生产企业对薄木干燥的需要,自行研制了BG1642-16型喷气网带式薄木干燥机。该机采用先进高效的混流式热风循环系统及S形网带,可有效地提高薄木干燥质量,节约能源,该机与国内同类产品相比可提高工作效率40%,节能30%。 相似文献
7.
目前在我国胶合板生产中,单板的干燥设备有很大一部分是使用网带式单板干燥机。网带在工作过程中存在的主要问题之一就是网带的跑偏,网带跑偏不仅影响干燥机的正常工作,而且造成了经济上不应有的损 相似文献
8.
王桂兰 《林业机械与木工设备》1997,(12)
减轻刨花板表面网带压痕的措施在刨花板生产线上使用金属网带作板坯运输传送带,由于其具有韧性好、强度高、导热快、加压温度一致及良好的透气性能等优点,使板坯芯层水份能在热压过程中迅速散发出来,因此在刨花板生产行业中受到欢迎。金属网带输送铺装成形的板坯,直接... 相似文献
9.
10.
11.
12.
文中以南宁市公园经营管理改革为例,阐述城市公园市场化经营管理改革的主要目的、遵循的原则、经验教训以及具体做法,并对改革的优势以及存在的问题进行分析,希望为城市公园管理改革提供理论依据。
相似文献
13.
14.
15.
融水县是我国南方重要的集体林区之一,林业在社会经济发展中占有重要地位。融水县集体林改于2009年7月正式启动,至2011年底主体改革基本结束,并通过广西壮族自治区林权制度改革领导小组的检查验收。通过对融水县开展集体林改现状进行分析,指出改革中存在的问题,并从全面推进林改配套改革,加大山林权属纠纷调处,抓好森林资源培育,加快科技兴林步伐,完善社会化服务体系等方面提出具体建议,为完善融水林权制度改革、做大做强林业产业提供参考。 相似文献
16.
集体林是我国众多林权农户的重要生计来源。为了实现农户增收和森林资源增长,我国从2008年开始全面启动了新一轮集体林权制度改革。集体林改政策可以分为主体改革和配套改革2类。主体改革通过下放林权和分权到户,为新一轮集体林改奠定了基石,并于2013年我国基本完成林权主体改革任务;其后,各地逐步进行配套改革,主要解决主体改革后在集体林地流转、社会化服务、林权抵押贷款、集体林采伐管理等方面仍存在的问题。集体林改政策效应研究可为集体林权制度深化改革提供理论依据与决策参考,但已有相关文献尚缺乏对新一轮集体林改整体上的经济社会以及生态效应的研究。文中在简要回顾集体林改研究进程的基础上,系统梳理集体林改的经济、社会、生态绩效政策效应相关文献,分析已有研究的贡献和不足,以期为后续研究提供参考。 相似文献
17.
18.
19.
Amidst Myanmar (Burma)'s political reform process the forest sector remains an important area awaiting democratisation. Forests historically covered over 50% of the countries' land area, and have been of major importance for both local livelihoods, the national economy and ‘ecosystem services’ such as biodiversity and catchment hydrology. The export timber trade has however played a decisive role in determining forest sector policy and indeed has exerted a significant influence on overall national politics since the colonial era began and continuing to the present day. Under the post-independence military dictatorship the timber trade involved ever more unsustainable plunder, particularly from the 1970s, rapidly degrading forests. But now reform of Myanmar's timber trade is on the national political agenda, reform which will be crucial for the Nation's transition towards an equitable and sustainable development trajectory.New legislative measures within consuming countries, including the EU, to challenge illegally sourced timber and wood product supplies have begun to exert a catalytic influence on Myanmar's forest policies, and converging with domestic civil society pressures have led in 2013 to the initiation of a formal ‘Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade’ (or FLEGT) bilateral process between the European Union and the Government of Myanmar.This paper presents an analysis of the nature of Myanmar's current timber trade and of the challenges and opportunities for reform, particularly in relation to the emerging FLEGT process. We argue that there are eight key aspects of Myanmar's timber trade overdue for democratic reform, which the FLEGT process puts into sharp relief: 1) resolution of ethnic conflicts primarily in upland forested areas, 2) reform of forest tenures; 3) a review of overall forest sector policies and the appropriate place of timber production; 4) reform of military era state timber institutions, 5) a return to silviculturally based sustainable forest management; 6) restructuring of the timber industry away from ‘crony’ domination; 7) measures to combat illegal logging and assure the rule of law; and 8) citizen participation in policy development and implementation.This ‘shopping list’ of democratic reforms implies a major and undoubtedly difficult process ahead, and success is far from certain. From 2013 promising initial progress has already begun on several of these areas. However, although the Government of Myanmar may give the international audience the impression that it is rapidly democratising, on the ground only limited substantive changes are yet experienced in rural areas, and resistance to reform persists amongst the military and their commercial partners. A spectrum of possible outcomes for forest sector reform may be foreseen, from mere token improvements on the dictatorship-era ‘business as usual’ to a thorough realisation of democratic aspirations. The outcome will be determined by the balance of power between civil society, public representatives, timber merchants particularly the powerful so-called ‘crony’ and proxy military business interests, and the intermediating powers of Government (including a significant rent-seeking ‘shadow state’), the EU, and the international markets that drive the demand for Burmese timber. The extent to which the FLEGT process can reinforce the wider democratisation process may be a decisive factor. 相似文献