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1.
The focus of this paper is on the demolition of a sacred space, the Babri Masjid, a sixteenth century mosque, in Ayodhya, India, in December 1992, an illegal albeit well‐organized act by the Hindu right. Drawing on postcolonial theory, and feminist geographical theory, and using a discourse analysis primarily of Hindu nationalist texts, and of significant action as text, the author examines the strategic construction and deployment of cultural meanings pertaining to space, and the engagement of social actors on that basis, towards political, violent ends. The author argues, firstly, that Hindu nationalist ideologues, notwithstanding pretensions to Hindu ‘authenticity,’ make use of Western thought to rewrite Hindu‐Muslim relations in antagonistic terms, and to signify these oppositional relations through sacred spatialities (mosque, temple, and Motherland as the body of the mother goddess Bharatmata). Secondly, in this framework, the Babri Masjid, one particular mosque, became a site of conflict because Hindu nationalists were able to transform it into a symbol of Muslim military invasions and Muslim male sexual aggression against Hindu femininity (as Motherland and Hindu women's bodies). Thirdly, Hindu nationalists, through a well‐orchestrated campaign, were able to convince a wider audience that these violations could only be avenged by the demolition of the Babri mosque (while also unofficially and inadvertently targeting Muslim women's bodies for sexual violation). Finally, this analysis should have wider implications for understanding the place of space, gender, sexuality, and sexual violation, in religio‐political and ethnic conflicts elsewhere.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract: Popular movements in Aceh and Papua seeking separation from Indonesia must be understood in the context of earlier nationalist movements in history, including Indonesia's own movement for independence from the Netherlands. Movements in Aceh and Papua have built a sense of identity, considering themselves to be ‘notion‐states’ even if they are not yet nation‐states. This process parallels Indonesian identity formation in the early twentieth century. Aceh originally combined local, Indonesian and Islamic identities, but intrusion by central government institutions sparked a defensive nationalist reaction, which was stimulated further by uneven economic development and by repressive tactics by the centre. Papua was incorporated into Indonesia by means that led local people to believe they had been denied their right to self‐determination, spurring a historical sense of grievance and a collective identity of shared suffering much like that in Aceh. By the end of Sukarno's Guided Democracy and Suharto's New Order, both territories had passed a point of no return in their nationalism. Repressive tactics have failed to contain aspirations for independence; a new approach based on dialogue is needed.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract: This article examines socio‐economic inequality in Fiji and finds that, contrary to oft‐repeated claims, inequality between Fiji"s major ethnic groups (inter‐ethnic inequality) is less significant than inequality within each ethnic group (intra‐ethnic inequality). In spite of this reality, inter‐group inequality and affirmative action policies have remained central features of state policy in Fiji. This article suggests that Fiji's experience has three implications for the growing literature on the relationship between inequality and conflict. First, examining average inequality between groups can be misleading. Secondly, a key to understanding the relationship between ethnic and economic cleavages in post‐colonial plural societies, such as Fiji, is in the interaction between intra‐group and inter‐group inequality. Thirdly, there does not seem to be a straightforward relationship between actual levels of inequality, perceptions of inequality, and the prominence given to inequality in ethno‐nationalist discourse. In Fiji's case, the strategic deployment of inter‐group inequality has served, and continues to serve, the material and discursive interests of some political elites. As a result, the intersection between ethnicity, inequality and political rivalry in contemporary Fiji has been the source of much conflict and, importantly, may offer a nexus on which attempts at conflict resolution should focus.  相似文献   

4.
Numerous scholars studying community efforts to (re‐)establish autonomy have begun to focus on the importance of empowerment in the economic, political and cultural spheres. There is a growing understanding that such empowerment can be hastened by affirmative development strategies that build on community assets and capacities rather than attempting to redress – and thereby emphasising – needs or lack. Such development work reflects intertwined currents in contemporary philosophy, influenced by the thought of Friedrich Nietzsche and of Gilles Deleuze. In Taiwan, a recent resurgence in identities among marginalised aboriginal or indigenous peoples (‘Formosans’) has been accompanied by novel approaches to development. This discussion heuristically employs a set of development theories that are essentially variants of ‘asset‐based community development’ (ABCD) to suggest that a focus on affirmation and empowerment has been and can be a key to success in Formosan development initiatives. The paper presents the results of qualitative field research, illuminating three case studies of Formosan development – in Tsou, Tayal and Taroko territories. It argues that Formosan development will benefit from a focus on community capacity, political empowerment and social as well as physical assets, and that to an important degree this has already happened in some communities.  相似文献   

5.
Since the 1990s, the issue of regional income convergence and its long‐term tendencies has been thoroughly and heatedly discussed. Much less attention, however, has been devoted to the short‐run dynamics of regional convergence. In particular, three important aspects have not yet been adequately addressed. First, it is indeed essential to understand whether regional disparities manifest a tendency to move systematically along the national cycle. Then, if this happens to be the case, it becomes crucial to know whether 1) these movements are pro‐ or counter‐cyclical,2) the cyclical evolution of the disparities is a consequence of differences in the timing with which the business cycle is felt in regions or it is motivated by the amplitude differences across local cyclical swings. In this paper, we shed light on these issues using data on personal income for the 48 coterminous U.S. states between 1969 and 2008. Our results indicate that income disparities do not move randomly in the short run but follow a distinct cyclical pattern, moving either pro‐ or counter‐cyclically depending on the period of analysis. These patterns are probably explained by the changes in the direction of capital and labor flows that favor developed or poorer states in different periods. As for the underlying mechanism, it appears that the short‐run evolution of the disparities in recent years is largely a consequence of differences in the timing with which the business cycle is felt across states rather than the outcome of amplitude differences across local cyclical swings.  相似文献   

6.
This paper explores and unpacks the nature of the processes shaping regional economic growth in Turkey using an econometric modelling strategy. Existing empirical research in this field has focussed on regions in economically advanced and technologically innovative economies. As a consequence, the broader picture of the dynamics of regional development in less developed countries, particularly its social and political origins and the overall changes in regional inequality, has remained elusive and less clear. In this study, a set of econometric models is developed to explore the validity of a range of theoretical propositions in explaining the trajectories of regional economic change in Turkey between 2004 and 2008. Growth is calibrated in terms of employment and changing rates of unemployment in the chosen time period in the 81 provinces of Turkey. The results of the study explain that implications of the current local and regional economic development theories are a “Curate's Egg”—good in parts—because these theories are only partially relevant in the Turkish context.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT Recent research has highlighted that in the last few years, the evolution of regional disparities in many European states has become pro‐cyclical. This represents a change with respect to the predominantly anti‐cyclical pattern of the 1960s and 1970s. This paper addresses the question of whether and when this change has taken place in the southern periphery of Europe, before analysing the factors that may have played a role in such a change. The analysis relies on a regional database that includes the evolution of the GDP per capita of NUTS II regions in five European countries (France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain) between 1980 and 2000. The results of the analysis support the hypothesis of a change towards a pro‐cyclical evolution of regional disparities in the cases of Italy, Portugal, and Spain, but not in those of Greece and France. A relationship between these pro‐cyclical patterns and the emergence of less dynamic sheltered economies is also detected in peripheral regions. This lack of dynamism is related to the fact that numerous peripheral areas in southern Europe have become increasingly dependent on factors such as transfers or public investment and employment, and therefore are less exposed to changes in market conditions.  相似文献   

8.
The purpose of this paper is to examine how social media is used as a promotional tool for economic development at the municipal level through place marketing and branding, to identify and explore what specific tools are being used, and to discuss the strengths and limitations of use. Primary data was collected through in‐depth interviews with 16 municipal economic development practitioners in the Province of Ontario, Canada. Additional data collected from municipal social media accounts was used to further reinforce the qualitative data and allow for triangulation and greater breadth of analysis. The findings suggest that social media is being used as a tool to promote local services and political information rather than communicate a brand position. Additionally, limited interaction with the audience reduces not only the effectiveness of place marketing efforts but also enhancement of place brands. While some findings are place specific (as study design limited research participants to municipalities in Ontario), these findings can be shared with other locales in advanced economies to provide them with information to make improvements in the way communication technology is utilised. This research paper provides a better understanding of how social media is being used by municipalities and how it fits into place marketing and place branding.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract: The Indonesian military sees itself as the guarantor of national unity, the state's last line of defence against separatist movements. This paper argues that the military's methods for maintaining national unity have been counterproductive. Its counter‐insurgency wars in Aceh and Papua have exacerbated the sense of alienation from Indonesia that the people in these provinces have felt. In this post‐Suharto era of political reform, the military has been unable to recognise that its old methods have failed, even after its obvious failure in East Timor, whose people, after living under a 24‐year military occupation, rejected continued integration with Indonesia in a referendum in 1999. The fact that the politicians in the legislative and executive branches of the state have tended to encourage the military to persist with its old methods suggests that the military by itself should not be faulted. Only political resolutions, such as the Helsinki agreement for ending the conflict in Aceh – an agreement that resulted more from the devastation of the December 2004 tsunami than from the Indonesian military's counter‐insurgency warfare – offer any guarantee of national unity.  相似文献   

10.
The contracting out to private providers of services previously delivered within the state has been framed critically as ‘hollowing out’ and read for its erosion of social democracy, social justice and welfare, as well as its inefficiencies in practice. It is commonly dismissed as neoliberalism. In this paper, we highlight the gains made through this new contractualism by Te Oranga, the Family, Health and Education division of Te Runanga o Te Rarawa located in the Far North of New Zealand. Our aim is not to narrate the exceptional, but to point to the inherent resistances to totalising projects residing in agency and place. Placed at the service of a deep sense of community being and community good rather than self‐interest, delivery contracts have enabled Te Oranga to pursue an alternative form of local development and craft a set of progressive spaces. Although highly contingent upon powerful Maori political projects, we argue that the case suggests that gains may be sought in other settings, albeit partial, temporary, and politically contingent. We thus offer a more nuanced account of neoliberalism by highlighting its agency, fractures, politics, and contradictions, and by demonstrating that actualised neoliberalisms are co‐constituted with other political projects.  相似文献   

11.
This paper looks at the factors driving regional growth in Mexico, paying special attention to the potentially growth‐enhancing role of innovation and innovation policy. The analysis combines innovation variables with indicators linked to the formation of adequate social conditions for innovation (the social filter), and spillovers for 31 Mexican states and the Mexico City capital district (the Distrito Federal) during the period 2000–2010. The results indicate that regional economic growth across Mexican states stems from direct investment in research and development (R&D) in areas with favorable social filters and which can benefit not only from knowledge spillovers, but also from being surrounded by rich neighbors with good social conditions. The results stress that, although Mexican innovation policy has been relatively well targeted in order to generate greater economic growth, its relatively modest size may have undermined the attainment of its main objectives.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract: President Yudhoyono, Indonesia's first directly elected president, was swept into office on a wave of popular support, but was faced with a formidable array of challenges, each demanding a prompt and effective response. Among the most immediately pressing, calling for crisis management, were: first, the need to assert political control and to build an effective political coalition; second, the need to secure grass‐roots democracy by ensuring that regional elections were effectively carried out; third, the need to cope with the Aceh tsunami crisis and achieve a peaceful reconciliation with the Free Aceh Movement; and fourth, the need to resolve a series of socioeconomic policy ‘growth versus equity’ dilemmas, to attract foreign investors to stimulate export‐led growth, while securing basic needs and anti‐poverty social programmes. After briefly noting how Yudhoyono and his administration responded to these immediate problems during its first 20 months in office (to June 2006), the paper then discusses at greater length three more fundamental and intractable sets of problems, namely, the urgent need to implement judicial and administrative reform, and to launch a wide‐ranging anti‐corruption campaign; the need to confront the resurgence of militant Islamic terrorism, both inter‐communal and al‐Qaeda‐inspired, and to mount a robust anti‐terrorist campaign; and finally the intense and convoluted problem of inter‐sectarian animosities, and the clash of religious versus secular values, the reconciliation of which will be absolutely critical to securing social stability, democratic pluralism, national unity and Indonesia's futurity.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT For some, Ireland's pursuit of an exogenous‐led development model has proved to be the cornerstone of recent economic success. Others point to recent high‐profile closures and argue that foreign‐owned operations are attracted to Ireland solely because of the advantageous tax breaks and lucrative grants scheme offered by the Irish government. We pay tribute to both arguments by pushing the level of enquiry beyond that of supply and backward linkages to try and gauge the actual performance of affiliates themselves. This brings some interesting facets of the Irish foreign direct investment scene to light. We highlight complexity of process, attainment of broader investment remits, and the emergence of a managerial class as integral to the ability of affiliates to adapt to and exploit organisational change. By examining 10 case studies and making use of media searches and company interviews, we highlight evidence of Ireland's largest technology transnational corporation affiliates showing positive performance advances. With these movements come, what we term, increased nodal significance of Irish operations within the global production network of their corporations. We argue against policy and theories that see these movements as linear and provide evidence of how some Irish operations have leveraged control and gained significant regional and global remits that have resulted in their growing significance, both in the corporation and in the country in which they are based. In the same line we argue that embeddedness in terms of supply linkages does not fit the Irish case and instead employ the term “network anchoring” of affiliates as they increase their nodal weighting through increased mandates.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT Today, technology‐oriented business incubators are a worldwide phenomenon, although empirical research evidence clearly suggests that they tend to fail in supporting entrepreneurship, innovation, and regional development and, therefore, do not fulfil their expected role as policy instrument. The paper focuses on this obvious antagonism. It deliberates upon political rationales, reviews evaluation literatures, and delineates suggestions for the future of the incubation industry. The main conclusion is that technology‐oriented business incubators should be run as private organisations without public funding.  相似文献   

15.
This paper examines the business cycle co‐movement in Mexican states over the period 2000–2014 by estimating an extended gravitational panel data model. Two different de‐trending filters are used to check the robustness of our results. The estimates suggest that the co‐movement increases as the size of the states’ economies does so as well as with the productive structure similarities and the relative level of development; however, the co‐movement decreases at a diminishing rate with geographical distance. There is also evidence of time‐dependent effects. In addition, the existence of moderate co‐movements among the states’ cycles suggests that common economic policies may not be suitable for all states, which implies there is a need for specific countercyclical policies to mitigate idiosyncratic shocks.  相似文献   

16.
The concept of globalization has become almost ubiquitous in contemporaryaccounts of urban development and cultural transformations. In these accounts, questions of globalization, urbanization, and ethnicity increasingly intersect. But this burgeoning literature, while laudably integrating cultural concerns into political‐economic understandings of globalization, tends to rely on a dualistic sense of scale which treats localities as points of reaction to and resistance against global forces. Ethnicity and identity, situated in a rigid local scale, are reduced to either primordial communal sentiments or commodified symbols in the global economy. This paper advocates a conceptualization of ethnicity and locality not in opposition to the global, but in relation to social, political, and economic relationships that operate within and beyond particular spaces. These arguments are illustrated with the case of downtown Beirut. Beirut's reconstruction epitomizes the commodification of place identities. But the marketing of place identity is significant beyond the immediate investment goals of the city's investors. Indeed, this new identity and the new Beirut have been generated in a hotly‐contested terrain of sectarian allegiances and state legitimacy. The redevelopment of Beirut and the re‐creation of Lebanese identity are embedded not only in the imperatives of the contemporary global economy, but also in the troublesome legacies of a violent past and in the day‐to‐day lives of the Lebanese populace.  相似文献   

17.
Regional development theories have experienced a transition from Keynesian state‐led economic development models to development based on public–private partnerships, innovation, industrial districts, etc. With the increasing concern for innovative milieu, products, process, organizational, and institutional innovations have assumed an important place in regional development policies. All these regional development paradigms have formed the basis of the initiation of a new process in regional development called the new regionalism, which includes cumulative efforts to revitalize local economic growth. In this paper, we identify technological levels of 26 NUTS 2‐level regions according to the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD)'s classification. Then, we develop an innovation and competitiveness index for Turkey by employing principal component analysis. In conclusion, we formulate some workable policy solutions and suggestions for regional economies in Turkey. According to the results, Istanbul is the most innovative and competitive region in Turkey. Ankara is becoming a regional knowledge cluster, thanks to its strong R&D infrastructure and highly qualified researchers.  相似文献   

18.
19.
Abstract: The emergence of social and environmental movements against plantation forestry in Southeast Asia positions rural development against local displacement and environmental degradation. Multi‐scaled NGO networks have been active in promoting the notion that rural people in Southeast Asia uniformly oppose plantation development. There are potential pitfalls in this heightened attention to resistance however, as it has often lapsed into essentialist notions of timeless indigenous agricultural practices, and unproblematic local allegiances to common property and conservation. An exclusive emphasis on resistance also offers little understanding of widespread smallholder participation in plantation production across the region. A useful method of approaching the complexity of local responses to plantation development is through the history of legal and informal resource tenure, within an analysis of rural political‐economic restructuring. Drawing on research in Thailand and Sarawak, I suggest that a more nuanced appreciation of both the structural constraints and deployments of agency which characterise the enrolment of rural people into plantation commodity networks, opens up new spaces for analysis and political action, which supports a geographically embedded view of relations of power, rural livelihoods and environmental politics.  相似文献   

20.
The effect of immigration on state and local budgets is a frequent topic of both political and academic conversations. A controversial issue among scholars is whether or not immigration induces outmigration of low income native born residents, a population movement which would potentially have implications for the jurisdictional distribution of immigration's fiscal impact. It is hypothesized here that if interstate poverty migration occurred, it should cause fiscal spillovers by distributing some of the public sector burden of immigration from immigrant “host” states to neighboring states. This paper uses cross‐sectional state data from 1988–1995 to explore the relationship between immigration in neighbor states and state redistributive expenditures. The results suggest that there is a positive relationship between immigration to neighboring states and redistributive expenditures. While most discussion of the fiscal impact of immigration has focused on the effects on host states and localities, the implications of these findings are that there are fiscal spillovers to neighboring states, suggesting that fiscal impacts on host states have been over‐estimated and effects on neighboring states have been underestimated. Additionally, the implications of recent welfare reform, which gives states the opportunity to use citizenship as a criterion for program eligibility, are discussed.  相似文献   

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