吉林地区粮食物流发展的对策研究

发展粮食物流对降低粮食物流成本、降低社会物流总成本、解决三农问题、保障粮食安全具有重要意义。但目前粮食物流中还存在很多问题,本文在分析吉林地区粮食物流发展中的问题基础上,提出了吉林地区粮食物流发展的对策,包括建立有地区特色的粮食物流体系、培养粮食物流主体、发展粮食第三方物流、构建粮食供应链、强化政府的宏观调控等方面。     

强举措铸就全国粮食生产先进县

<正>1.发挥政府主导作用,健全粮食生产新机制县委、县政府把发展粮食生产作为保增长、保民生、保稳定的突出工作来抓,先后多次召开会议研究,解决粮食生产工作中的具体问题。县政府成立了粮食高产创建领导小组,每年与各乡镇政府签订粮食生产目标     

靠机械化致富的粮食专业户

近几年来,随着联产承包责任制的推行,农村粮食专业户发展很快,粮食专业户能否致富,机械化在促进粮食商品生产的发展和专业户的勤劳致富中起了何等作用,带着这类问题,我们对广东省中山县张家边公社西桠大队的粮食专业户阮国权作了专门调查。     

中国粮食生产保护问题再思考

粮食问题关系国泰民安。近年我国粮食产需缺口逐年扩大,政府虽出台各项粮食保护政策,力求改善现状,激发农民产粮积极性,然而并未从根本解决粮食安全隐患。在分析我国粮食生产保护重要性、现状的基础上,从农民心理预期、保护形式、法律保护等几个方面对我国粮食生产保护问题进行再思考。     

发展木本粮食是解决我国粮食问题的有效途径

本文根据我国的国情,分析了发展木本粮食在我国食品加工业和解决耕地日趋减少所带来的供求矛盾方面的效用,认为发展木本粮食是解决我国粮食问题的有效途径,对怎样加快木本粮食提出了一些看法。     

甘谷县粮食生产安全的影响因素分析

随着粮食综合生产能力的不断提高,解决粮食安全问题,确保县域粮食生产安全,已成为政府的重要职责和使命。本文分析了影响甘谷县粮食生产安全的主要影响因素,并针对这些影响因素,提出了提高粮食综合生产能力的政策建议,以促进粮食生产的稳定发展,确保粮食安全。     

试论徐州市粮食生产的发展方向与科技对策

粮食作为国计民生不可替代的重要战略资源,历来备受各级政府的高度重视。由于近几年本市粮食生产徘徊不前,如何发展粮食生产已成为社会各界普遍关注的问题。本文根据历年统计资料,对本市粮食生产的历史与现状进行分析,针对粮食的构成特点、生产潜力及当前存在的问题,从宏观技术角度,提出发展本市粮食生产必须解决的几个问题。 一、粮食生产的历史与现状分析 建国以来,我市粮食生产的发展经历了由长期紧缺到自给有余,进而崛起为重要商品粮生产基地,成为江苏省重点产粮区的过     

吉林省粮食加工业转型升级对策研究

近年来,吉林省依托丰富的产地资源优势,粮食加工业总量规模不断扩大,加工转化能力持续增强,综合效益稳中有升,粮食加工业作为我省重要支柱产业,要实现转型升级还存在很多问题需要解决,本文从产业内部、政府和外资企业三方面分析吉林省粮食加工产业存在的问题,并有针对性地提出解决对策。实施吉林省粮食加工产业提升行动,必修增强行业内力,优化外部环境,多措并举,实现高质量发展。     

粮食生产中存在的问题及其对策

在我国工业化、城镇化快速发展的新阶段,农村劳动力大量转移,从事粮食生产的有生力量日益减少,粮食生产与消费的矛盾逐步显现。中国粮价是否快速上涨,粮食是否保障正常供应,中国是否会发生粮食危机,已成为各级政府和普通老百姓十分关注的话题,保障粮食供应,稳定粮食价格已成为国家宏观调控,抑制价格上涨过快,防止价格由结构性调整演变为通货膨胀的重要措施。保障粮食供应,抑制粮价上涨过快的关键是发展粮食生产。粮不在仓而在田。粮食生产搞好了,粮食供应才有保障;粮食生产没有搞好,粮食供应就会出问题,笔者就当前粮食生产中存在的问题和解决措施进行调研和探讨。     

保障粮食生产持续稳定发展的对策建议

粮食问题是关系经济安全和国计民生的重大战略问题。党中央、国务院对此高度重视，胡锦涛同志、温家宝同志多次强调粮食安全问题。重视粮食安全，就必须清醒地认识到影响粮食安全的主要因素是粮食主产区政府和粮农，就必须从根本上着力解决粮食比较效益低，农民种粮积极性不高，地方政府抓粮积极性不高的问题。     

Farm to school in British Columbia: mobilizing food literacy for food sovereignty

Farm to school programs have been positioned as interventions that can support goals of the global food sovereignty movement, including strengthening local food production systems, improving food access and food justice for urban populations, and reducing distancing between producers and consumers. However, there has been little assessment of how and to what extent farm to school programs can actually function as a mechanism leading to the achievement of food sovereignty. As implemented in North America, farm to school programs encompass activities not only related to school food procurement, but also to the development of student knowledge and skills under the framework of food literacy. Research on farm to school initiatives has largely been conducted in countries with government-supported national school feeding programs; this study examines farm to school organizing in Canada, where there is no national student nutrition program. Using qualitative fieldwork and document analysis, we investigate the farm to school movement in British Columbia, in a context where civil society concerns related to education and health have been the main vectors of farm to school mobilization. Our analysis suggests that, despite limited institutional infrastructure for school meals, the British Columbia farm to school movement has contributed toward realizing goals of food sovereignty through two main mechanisms: advocacy for institutional procurement of local and sustainable foods and mobilizing food literacy for increased public engagement with issues of social justice and equity in food systems.     

Food justice or food sovereignty? Understanding the rise of urban food movements in the USA

As world food and fuel prices threaten expanding urban populations, there is greater need for the urban poor to have access and claims over how and where food is produced and distributed. This is especially the case in marginalized urban settings where high proportions of the population are food insecure. The global movement for food sovereignty has been one attempt to reclaim rights and participation in the food system and challenge corporate food regimes. However, given its origins from the peasant farmers' movement, La Via Campesina, food sovereignty is often considered a rural issue when increasingly its demands for fair food systems are urban in nature. Through interviews with scholars, urban food activists, non-governmental and grassroots organizations in Oakland and New Orleans in the United States of America, we examine the extent to which food sovereignty has become embedded as a concept, strategy and practice. We consider food sovereignty alongside other dominant US social movements such as food justice, and find that while many organizations do not use the language of food sovereignty explicitly, the motives behind urban food activism are similar across movements as local actors draw on elements of each in practice. Overall, however, because of the different histories, geographic contexts, and relations to state and capital, food justice and food sovereignty differ as strategies and approaches. We conclude that the US urban food sovereignty movement is limited by neoliberal structural contexts that dampen its approach and radical framework. Similarly, we see restrictions on urban food justice movements that are also operating within a broader framework of market neoliberalism. However, we find that food justice was reported as an approach more aligned with the socio-historical context in both cities, due to its origins in broader class and race struggles.     

Food sovereignty: the debate,the deadlock,and a suggested detour

Whereas hundreds of social movements and NGOs all over the world have embraced the concept of food sovereignty, not many public authorities at the national and international level have adopted the food sovereignty paradigm as a normative basis for alternative agriculture and food policy. A common explanation of the limited role of food sovereignty in food and agriculture policy is that existing power structures are biased towards maintaining the corporatist food regime and neo-liberal thinking about food security. This article sets out to provide an alternative explanation for this limited role by critically reflecting on the debate about food sovereignty itself. The main argument is that this debate is characterized by deadlock. Two mechanisms underlying the deadlock are analyzed: confusion about the concept of sovereignty and the failure of the epistemic community to debate how to reconcile conflicting values, discourses, and institutions regarding food. To overcome this deadlock and organize meaningful debate with public authorities, it is proposed that the food sovereignty movement uses insights from legal pluralism and debates on governance and adopts the ending of “food violence” as a new objective and common frame.     

Eating up the social ladder: the problem of dietary aspirations for food sovereignty

In Haiti, as in many developing countries, the prospect of enhancing food sovereignty faces serious structural constraints. In particular, trade liberalization has deepened patterns of food import dependence and the export orientation of peasant farming. But there are also powerful cultural dimensions to food import dependence that further problematize the challenge of pro-poor agrarian change. Food cultures are sometimes underappreciated in the food sovereignty literature, which tends to assume that there will be a preference for local or ‘culturally appropriate’ foods. In Haiti, historically ingrained and persistent ideologies of racism magnify class hierarchies and the common perceptions of peasants at the bottom of the social order. This paper explores the intersection of socially constructed ideologies of racism with peasant aspirations for socio-cultural mobility, drawing from 30 qualitative interviews with key informants in government, non-governmental organizations, and social movements, and 108 qualitative interviews and 216 food preference surveys that were conducted in three sites in rural Haiti between November 2010 and July 2013. The core argument is that racially-coded class hierarchies exert a powerful influence on dietary aspirations, as ‘peasant’ foods like millet, root crops and molasses bread are commonly denigrated by Haiti’s poor, including peasants themselves, while ‘elite’ and ‘foreign’ foods like white flour bread, Corn Flakes, and spaghetti get held up as superior. This suggests a need to appreciate how the cultural geographies of food interact with—and can in fact exacerbate—political and economic inequalities, which raises challenging questions for peasant movements and advocates of food sovereignty.     

Framing transformation: the counter-hegemonic potential of food sovereignty in the US context

Originally created by the international peasant movement La Vía Campesina, the concept of ??food sovereignty?? is being used with increasing frequency by agrifood activists and others in the Global North. Using the analytical lens of framing, I explore the effects of this diffusion on the transformative potential of food sovereignty. US agrifood initiatives have recently been the subject of criticism for their lack of transformative potential, whether because they offer market-based solutions rather than demanding political ones or because they fail to adequately address existing social injustice. In this paper, I consider how food sovereignty measures up to this critique both as it was originally framed by Vía Campesina and as it is being reframed for the US context. First I briefly compare food sovereignty to community food security (CFS), which was developed more explicitly for the North American context and has been criticized for its lack of transformative potential. I then explore how the potential of food sovereignty has been affected as it is reframed to resonate with US audiences through an examination of its use on the web sites of US-based organizations. I find that, while some reframing of the concept to highlight consumer choice does seem to be occurring, it remains a primarily political concept. It may not, however, be fulfilling its potential for addressing social injustice in the US agrifood system because it tends to be used either in reference to international issues or, when applied to the US context, treated as a rough synonym for local control. I conclude that, if advocates can successfully guide the reframing process, food sovereignty could serve as a valuable counter-hegemonic vision to complement the more pragmatic and locally-grounded work of CFS advocates.     

The dispute over wild rice: an investigation of treaty agreements and Ojibwe food sovereignty

The treaties established between the United States federal government and American Indian nations imply U.S. recognition of Native political sovereignty. Political sovereignty encompasses not only the ability to govern oneself but also self-determination regarding resource use, including food. This paper addresses The White Pine Treaty of 1837, which acknowledges the Ojibwe people’s right to hunt, fish, and harvest wild rice in their traditional landscape. This acknowledgement by extension recognizes the Ojibwe’s right to food sovereignty. From the perspective of the Ojibwe, continuing these activities requires not simply controlling access to important food resources but also protecting their rights to maintain traditional relationships with the plants and animals that provide food and to manage the landscapes that provision them. Therefore, true food sovereignty necessitates protecting a people’s relationships with the landscape. Appropriation of wild rice over the past century, however, has threatened food sovereignty among the Ojibwe because it has compromised their ability to maintain their traditional relationship with a staple food resource that is also central to their identity. In light of the White Pine Treaty, this threat to the Ojibwe’s food sovereignty is effectively a threat to their political sovereignty and, we argue, a violation of the treaty agreement.     

Local is not fair: indigenous peasant farmer preference for export markets

The food sovereignty movement calls for a reversal of the neoliberal globalization of food, toward an alternative development model that supports peasant production for local consumption. The movement holds an ambiguous stance on peasant production for export markets, and clearly prioritizes localized trade. Food sovereignty discourse often simplifies and romanticizes the peasantry—overlooking agrarian class categories and ignoring the interests of export-oriented peasants. Drawing on 8 months of participant observation in the Andean countryside and 85 interviews with indigenous peasant farmers, this paper finds that export markets are viewed as more fair than local markets. The indigenous peasants in this study prefer export trade because it offers a more stable and viable livelihood. Feeding the national population through local market intermediaries, by contrast, is perceived as unfair because of oversupply and low, fluctuating prices. This perspective, from the ground, offers important insight to movement actors and scholars who risk oversimplifying peasant values, interests, and actions.     

Food sovereignty or the human right to adequate food: which concept serves better as international development policy for global hunger and poverty reduction?

The emerging concept of food sovereignty refers to the right of communities, peoples, and states to independently determine their own food and agricultural policies. It raises the question of which type of food production, agriculture and rural development should be pursued to guarantee food security for the world population. Social movements and non-governmental organizations have readily integrated the concept into their terminology. The concept is also beginning to find its way into the debates and policies of UN organizations and national governments in both developing and industrialized countries. Beyond its relation to civil society movements little academic attention has been paid to the concept of food sovereignty and its appropriateness for international development policies aimed at reducing hunger and poverty, especially in comparison to the human right to adequate food (RtAF). We analyze, on the basis of an extensive literature review, the concept of food sovereignty with regard to its ability to contribute to hunger and poverty reduction worldwide as well as the challenges attached to this concept. Then, we compare the concept of food sovereignty with the RtAF and discuss the appropriateness of both concepts for national public sector policy makers and international development policies. We conclude that the impact on global food security is likely to be much greater if the RtAF approach predominated public policies. While the concept of food sovereignty may be appropriate for civil society movements, we recommend that the RtAF should obtain highest priority in national and international agricultural, trade and development policies.     

Whose right to (farm) the city? Race and food justice activism in post-Katrina New Orleans

Among critical responses to the perceived perils of the industrial food system, the food sovereignty movement offers a vision of radical transformation by demanding the democratic right of peoples “to define their own agriculture and food policies.” At least conceptually, the movement offers a visionary and holistic response to challenges related to human and environmental health and to social and economic well-being. What is still unclear, however, is the extent to which food sovereignty discourses and activism interact with and affect the material and social realities of the frequently low-income communities of color in which they are situated, and whether they help or hinder pre-existing efforts to alleviate hunger, overcome racism, and promote social justice. This research and corresponding paper addresses those questions by examining food justice and food sovereignty activism in the city of New Orleans since Hurricane Katrina as understood by both activists and community members. I argue, using post-Katrina New Orleans as a case study, that food projects initiated and maintained by white exogenous groups on behalf of communities of color risk exacerbating the very systems of privilege and inequality they seek to ameliorate. This paper argues for a re-positioning of food justice activism, which focuses on systemic change through power analyses and the strategic nurturing of interracial alliances directed by people residing in the communities in which projects are situated.     

Food sovereignty, urban food access, and food activism: contemplating the connections through examples from Chicago

The idea of food sovereignty has its roots primarily in the response of small producers in developing countries to decreasing levels of control over land, production practices, and food access. While the concerns of urban Chicagoans struggling with low food access may seem far from these issues, the authors believe that the ideas associated with food sovereignty will lead to the construction of solutions to what is often called the ??food desert?? issue that serve and empower communities in ways that less democratic solutions do not. In Chicago and elsewhere, residents and activists often see and experience racial and economic inequalities through the variety of stores and other food access sites available in their community. The connections between food access, respect, and activism are first considered through a set of statements of Chicagoans living in food access poor areas. We will then discuss these connections through the work and philosophy of activists in Chicago centered in food sovereignty and food justice. Particular focus will be placed on Growing Power, an urban food production, distribution, and learning organization working primarily in Milwaukee and Chicago, and Healthy South Chicago, a community coalition focused on health issues in a working class area of the city.